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# UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. J' 



AN ADDRESS 



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FRIENDS 



YEARLY MEETING OF NEW-YORK, 



CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES, 

ESPECIALLY TO THOSE OF THE SOUTHERN STATES, 

TJPOK TfiE 

SUBJECT or StATERY. 




NEW- YORK: 
PRESS OF MAHLON DAY & CO., 374 PEARL-STRE2T. 
Jambs Egbbbt... . Printer. 
1844. 



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AN ADDRESS ON SLAVERY. 



Fellow Citizens : 

Accepting it as an undoubted truth, that it is " Right- 
eousness which exalteth a nation," and firmly believing 
that the tranquillity and prosperity of Governments depend 
in a great degree upon a scrupulous adherence to the dic- 
tates of this ennobling principle, we are concerned to call 
the attention of the public, and more especially the citizens 
of the South, to a serious consideration of the condition of 
that numerous portion of American population held in a 
state of unconditional and interminable servitude. We re- 
gard the subject as being of a very grave character, not 
only affecting the civil and social condition of millions of 
persons, who by the strong arm of power are deprived of 
the enjoyment of those rights and privileges, without 
which, man, noble as he is by creation, loses his native 
character, and sinks to the condition of a chattel, but also 
affecting in a pecuniary view the interest of a large portion 
of the citizens of the United States, and as we believe, in- 
timately connected with the peace and prosperity of our 
whole country — the stability of its government, and the 
harmony of its public councils- 

We are sensible that it is a subject, not only of great 
mao-nitude, but that it is also one of great delicacy, and we 
approach it with a feeling which prompts us to desire the 
advancement of the best interests of the master, while we 
plead for the release of the slave. We can readily believe 
there are many owners of slaves who are dissatisfied with 
the system of slavery^ and desire its extinction. They feel 



themselves burdened, and yet as individuals, may think 
they have not strength to throw it from them. We sym- 
pathise with such wherever their lots may be. We know 
that slavery did not originate with those whom we now 
address, but that it is the offspring of a darker age — that 
it has descended from preceding generations as an estab- 
lished condition, and may, to a certain extent, be said to 
have forced itself upon those who are their successors. 
And thus it is probable many find themselves in a position 
with respect to slaves, which they would not of choice 
have assumed. We wiUingly allow all the extenuation 
which considerations sucli as these can furnish. It is not 
our purpose to reproach the master, but to plead for the 
slave. We ask then, a patient hearing, and that we may 
calmly reason togelher. 

If there be truth in the language so solemnly put forth 
in the Declaration of the Independence of the United 
States of America, that " All men are created equal, that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable 
rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness," it must be admitted that slavery is a grievous 
infringement of those rights. And if we estimate the ex- 
tent of injury it inflicts by supposing ourselves, our friends, 
or our children the subjects of its operation, surely the 
strongest language would be quite inadequate to describe 
the amount of evil connected with the system, and the act 
would be regarded as calling loudly for retributive justice 
upon the aggressors. An,d why, let us earnestly ask, is 
not this a correct conclusion in relation to those upon 
whom the system is at present operating? It is a rule for 
judging which the gospel suggests, and as Christians we 
ought to respect it. It is also a view of the subject which 
has been entertained by many who were eminent as states- 
men, some of whom have left their sentiments upon record 
for the benefit of posterity. And would it be wise in us, 



their successors, to forget or neglect them ? They re- 
garded the system as evil in itself, and as fraught with 
danger to the rising republic. So deeply impressed were 
those eminent men who framed the Constitution of the 
Union, with the incompatibility of slavery with republican 
principles, that they could not consent that the obnoxious 
word should have a place in that instrument. And he who 
is styled the Father of his country, though he held slaves 
while he lived, left them free in his will, thereby bearing 
his dying testimony in favor of emancipation. 

The lauCTuao^e of that eminent statesman. Thomas Jef- 
ferson, in his Notes on Virginia, is remarkable both for its 
justness and its force. He asks, " Can the liberties of a 
nation be secure, when we have removed their only firm 
basis, a conviction in the minds of the people that these 
liberties are the gift of God? That they are not to be 
violated but with his wrath ? Indeed I tremble for my 
country w^hen I reflect that God is just ; that hfs justice 
cannot sleep forever; that, considering numbers, nature, 
and natural means only, a revolution of the wheel of for- 
tune, an exchange of situation is among possible events ; 
that it may become prohahle hj supernatural interference. 
The Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with 
us in such a contest." 

There is something peculiarly solemn in this language. 
It seems like a warning voice designed to call us back to 
a sense of duty, It is known that he had long been im- 
pressed with a conviction of the injustice, impolicy and 
dangerous tendency of this Institution of the South. As 
early as 17S4, he was advocating the cause of freedom in 
Conoress. And in a draft of a Constitution for the State 
of Virginia, drawn by him, provision was made for the 
emancipation of slaves in that State, in the year 1800, by 
declaring that all born after that time should be free. In 
these generous efforts, however, it was his lot to meet with 
defeat. 



But so earnest was the engagement of Thomas Jeffer- 
son for the promotion of this cause, that he addressed a 
letter to Doctor Price of London, who had written a trea- 
tise upon shivery, asking him to address an exhortation on 
the subject of the abolition of slavery to the young men 
of William and Mary's College in Virginia, who were pre- 
paring for public life, hoping it might be decisive of the 
question in that State, which he declared would be the 
" State where the interesting spectable would be presented 
of Justice in conflict with Avarice and Oppression^ And so 
late in his life as the year 1814, in reply to a letter from a 
friend who it seems had urged him to renew his eiforts in 
the cause of emancipation, he declares his continued con- 
viction that *' the hour of emancipation is advancing in the 
march of time," and adds, ''This enterprize is for the 
"young, for those who can bear it through to its consumma- 
tion. It shall have all my prayers, and those are the only 
weapons of an old man. It is an encouraging observation, 
that no good measure was ever proposed, which, if duly 
pursued, failed to prevail in the. end. And you will be 
supported by the religious precept, ' be not weary in well 
doing.' " 

Surely the sentiments above quoted, emanating from 
such a source, and sustained by such weight of character, 
should receive the most serious consideration. How con- 
sistent are his views ; and how solemn his conclusions. 
Regarding liberty as the gift of God to man, he infers that 
it may not be violated without incurring the wrath of the 
giver. And looking forward to the possible continuance 
of this violation of rio^hts, and connectinor the thought that 
God is just, and that his justice cannot always sleep — ad- 
verting also to the operation of natural causes, and the 
probability of supernatural interference in favor of the 
oppressed — he is affected with the most solemn concern — 
ho trembles for his country. Would that any effort of ours 



could tend to impress this coneern upon the minds of those 
in whose hands are entrusted, at the present time, the des- 
tinies of our beloved country t 

Equally strong is the language of William Pinkney, de- 
livered in the House of Delegates of Maryland in 17S9, in 
reply, it would seem, to arguments designed to ward 'off 
the weight of responsibility from the actors of that day, 
and place it upon their ancestors. And we would recom- 
mend his sentiments to the serious consideration of all who 
are disposed to shelter themselves under a course of rea- 
soning of this kind. " Wherefore," says he, " should we 
confine the edge of censure to our ancestors, or those from 
whom they purchased ? Are ?i;e not equally guilty ? They 
strewed around the seeds of slavery. We cherish and 
sustain the growth. They introduced the system. We 
enlarge, invigorate and confirm it. Its continuance is as 
shameful as its origin. By the eternal principles of natu- 
ral justice, no master in the State has a right to hold his 
slave in bondage for a single hour. Sir, the thing is im- 
pohltc ; never will your country be productive ; ne^'ver will 
its agriculture, its commerce, or its manufactures flourish, 
so long as they depend upon reluctant bondmen for their 
progress." < 

The names of other eminent statesmen who entertained 
similar views might be inserted, but we know not that any 
thing could add force to the sentiments already presented. 
We think it cannot fail to be interesting, to observe the 
manner in which great men of an age that has passed 
away, regarded the subject of which we are treating. 
They concur in speaking of slavery as it then existed, in 
plain and strong terms, as being wrong in itself, impolitic, 
and of dangerous tendency. And we fear that its features' 
are but slightly, if at all, ameliorated at this day. The 
foreign slave trade indeed, has since that time been 
abolished, and as far as our government is concerned, we 



kope it may be considered as suppressed. But an internal 
traffic of a similar character, and to a considerable extent, 
is still carried on between different States of this Union— 
perhaps less marked than the foreign, with the extreme of 
human suffering, but still cruel and unrighteous. The 
most tender connections are Uable to be severed, and fam- 
ilies to be separated and scattered, never more to meet. 
Ah ' and the helpless and pitiable objects are collected m 
droves by unfeeling and relentless men. They are driven, 
manacied, along your highways. They pass your doors, 
and the distressing spectacle is forced upon you. How 
loner let it be asked, in the tenderest feeling of Christian 
phifanthropy, how long shall this state of things continue ? 
How loner ere the state of public feeling shall melt m ten- 
derness "at scenes of woe like these, and rising in its 
strength, resolve, in wisdom and in mercy, that they shall 
cease"'? Will you not unite with us in anticipating this 
period with pleasure ? And why should this happy period 
be lono- delayed? Why should not the time very soon 
arrive, when this traffic, so repugnant to all that is gener- 
ous in our nature, shall cease— and still more than this— 
when every shackle shall be loosed from every hmb, and 
every slave be made a onan ! 

We entirely disclaim all intention of improper inter- 
ference with the internal Institutions of the South, yet we 
feel that we are interested in this matter, because we be- 
lieve the prosperity and happiness of our whole country, 
and the harmony of our legislative councils, are affected 
by it. We know that emancipation can only be effected 
by the legislative action of each State for itself. But we 
do believe it is a subject which calls loudly for such action. 
How can it be true " that all men are created equal, and 
endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rjghts, 
among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness'''— and yet the nation that proclaims this lofty senti. 



ment to the world, not be called upon to legislate speedily 
for the emancipation of its slaves 1 If we take into con- 
sideration the serious truth, that this right of liberty, with 
which all men are endowed, '"'is the gift of God, and that 
it cannot be violated but with his wrath," there is an ad- 
ditional and solemn reason presented for urging legislation 
upon this subject. If we add the declaration of one who 
was familiar with the subject, and fully competent to judge, 
that " never will our country be productive ; never will its 
agriculture, its commerce, or its manufactures flourish, so 
long as they depend upon reluctant bondmen for their 
progress," the necessity for prompt and effectual exertion 
in reference to this deeply interesting subject, is still fur^ 
ther augmented. And we think a case is made out, which 
must be felt to be irresistible. 

It may be urged that there are dangers connected with 
the emancipation of slaves, which render it imprudent ; 
and difficulties that make it impracticable. We regard 
such apprehensions as being of a very conjectural charac- 
ter. It is quite certain that no dangers of this Jdnd at^ 
tended the emancipation of the slaves in the West India 
Islands, nor yet difficulties. On the contrary, an additional 
feeling of security was the result. And this, we thinks is 
the consequence to be expected from such a measure — a 
consequence which has uniformly resulted from emancipa- 
tion wherever it has been tried, among every people, and 
in every clime. But if those dangers did exist, are there 
no dangers and no difficulties connected with the continu- 
ance of slavery ? The enlightened statesman of Virginia, 
whose language we have freely quoted, saw dangers of an 
alarming character — and does not his sentiments find an 
echo in every southern bosom ? Will it be attempted to 
guard against these dangers by a course of legislation in- 
tended to bind the intellect, and shut out from the under- 
standing of beings, who, equally with ourselves, are the 



10 

objects of redeeming love, every ray of knowledge but 
that which is necessary to enable them to toil for their 
masters ? Where is the man who would openly espouse 
such a measure ? And what would be the nature of his 
safety, surrounded by hordes of human beings degraded 
to the lowest depth of ignorance, yet restless, and possess- 
ino- strong vindictive passions ? But supposing that quiet 
could be maintained for a season by such means, — should 
not the prudent statesman, and with him the private citizen 
also, who feels an. interest in the welfare of his country, 
look in advance, and consider what may be the effect of 
measures now adopted in distant time to come, and what 
may be the condition of the State, " when from natural 
causes, numbers may be greatly increased," and possibly 
the relative proportion of the two classes materially 
changed — and especially to bear in mind the possibility 
(should wo go too far to say, the probability) of supernatu- 
ral interference, at some period, in favor of the oppressed. 

We are fully impressed with the belief that the emanci- 
pation of this people must take place at some time — and 
we as firmly believe that it is not likely ever to be effected 
with less difficulty than at the present. If we look back 
for fifty years, we think it will be seen that obstacles have 
gradually increased during that period — why may not the 
same result be expected in time to come ? And what if the 
period should be so long postponed that the bonds, instead 
of bein«- loosed, should burst ? 

If the assertion that the natural tendency of slavery is 
unfavorable to the prosperity of a country was one of 
doubtful credit, we might attempt to strengthen the position 
by arguments — but its correctness has been proved to a 
demonstration by actual experiment. We have only to 
call the attention of our readers to the appearance of con- 
tiguous sections of our country, one of which has been 
cultivated by free men, and the' other by "reluctant bond- 



11 

men." The contrast is so marked, that a glance must be 
sufficient to satisfy the most superficial observer, that the 
balance of profit and comfort is largely on the side of free- 
»dom. Intelligent travelers from the South have not failed 
to be forcibly struck with the difference. They have 
looked with delight on the prosperity of the North, even 
in sections of country where both the soil and the climate 
are less favorable for agricultural pursuits than their own 
— and they have turned their eyes with a feeling of regret 
to the exhausted acres of their own once cultivated and 
productive fields, which under the blight of slave labor, 
have now fallen back into a wilderness. Not indeed the 
wilderness of olden times, which teemed with the luxuri- 
ance of nature, but one without fertility and without hope. 
Now these facts, we think, must be allowed to be stronger 
than argument in favor of emancipation. And with these 
facts before us, we are at a loss to conceive how an Intel' 
ligent and reflecting community can hesitate at all upon 
this subject. It may be true, that ihe difference of cir- 
cumstances has rendered it necessary that the citizens of 
the North should more generally apply themselves to labor 
than is the case at the South. But this very industry has 
contributed to their comfort, has given energy and success 
to enterprize, and is friendly to a state of pure morality. 
Permit us to ask what is the influence which slavery eX' 
erts upon the state of morals at the South 1 We feel that 
it may be a delicate inquiry to make, but the subject is a 
very important one ; we put the question, and leave it to 
each to answer it to his own heart. 

Lest it should be thought that the preceding contrast is 
more highly colored than facts would warrant, we avail 
ourselves of the concurrent testimony of a distinguished 
Senator of the South, one who cannot be suspected of be- 
ing under the influence of improper bias in favor of the 
North. 



12 

'' No Southern man can journey (as I have done) through 
the Northern States, and witness the prosperity, the indus- 
try, the pubhc spirit Avhich they exhibit, the sedulous culti- 
vation of all those arts by which life is made comfortable 
and respectable, without feelings of deep sadness and 
shame as he remembers his own neglected and desolate 
home. There, no dwelling is to be seen abandoned, no 
farm uncultivated, no man idle, no waterfall, even, unem- 
ployed. Every person and every thing performs a part 
towards the grand result, and the whole land is covered 
with fertile fields, with manufactories, and canals, and rail 
roads, and public edifices, and towns and cities. How 
different the state of things in the South ! Here the face 
of the country wears the aspect of premature old age and 
decay. No improvement is seen going on, nothing is done 
for posterity, no man thinks of any thing beyond the pres- 
ent moment. Our lands are yearly tasked to their utmost 
capacity of production, and when exhausted, are aban- 
doned for the youthful West. Because nature has been 
prodigal to us, we seem to think it unnecessary to do any 
thing for ourselves. The industry and skill that have con- 
verted the inclement and barren hills of New England into 
a garden, in the genial climate and fertile soil of the South 
would create almost a paradise. Our natural advantages 
are among- the ofreatest with which Providence has blessed 
mankind, but we lack the spirit to enjoy and improve them. 
The rich ore is beneath our feet, yet we dig not for it. The 
golden fruit hangs from the bough, and we lift not our 
hands to gather it." 

Seeing then that duty and interest unite in urging the 
measure of emancipation, what is there that ought to retard 
its progress 1 Does the sacrifice of property involved, pre- 
sent an obstacle ? In the British West India Islands, where 
the experiment has been tried, the rise in the value of real 
estate, consequent upon emancipation, was nearly, and in 



13 

many instances, quite equal to the value of the slaves, 
which previously belonged to the estate. 

Is the cost of wages to be paid for free labor regarded 
as an objection ? There it has been found less expensive 
to pay wages to the free than to maintain the slave. 

Is it apprehended that the liberated slaves would indulge 
in idleness, and that it would be difficult to procure the 
amount of labor that would be needed ? There it has been 
found that the laborers were willing to work for reasonable 
wages, and the net proceeds of the estates have proved 
larger than before. 

Is it supposed that insubordination and a fearful increase 
of crime would follow ? The demeanor of the laborers 
there is stated by eye witnesses to be more respectful than 
in slavery — and that crime has materially decreased. 

Is it alleged that they would not be capable of providing 
a comfortable subsistence for themselves and their fami- 
lies, and that poverty and suffering would be the conse- 
quence of their emancipation ? There they appear to 
speak of them generally to have done wonders in these res- 
pects—providing comfortable homes, cleanly and neat 
attire for themselves and their families, schools for the ed- 
ucation of their children — erecting new houses for public 
worship, and enlarging others, at very considerable ex- 
pense. , 

The testimony upon which the foregoing statements 
respecting the favorable working of freedom in the West 
India Islands is based, we believe is of the most unexcep- 
tionable character. It is evident that the prosperity of 
those Islands has been greatly promoted by the operation 
of the free system. And we cannot think of any good 
reason, why the same happy result from the same measures, 
might not be realized in our own country. 

Slavery originated in a dark and barbarous age, and for 
a long period it prevailed to a great extent in the world. 



14 

But as civilization advanced — and above all — as the light 
of our holy religion extended its influence, the progress of 
this system, so destructive of the comforts of human life, 
was checked ; and as light has increased and spread, 
slavery has continually receded from its presence. And so 
rapid for a few years past has been the progress of eman- 
cipation, as to induce the belief that the period for its final 
extinction had nearly arrived. 

Shall it be said then, that the United States of America, 
a land of all others the loudest in its boast of liberty, and 
of its liberal institutions, is the last to relax its iron grasp 
— and that, when driven from other lands, slavery is still 
seen to linger on our own free soil. Surely our country, 
to have been consistent with its own high pretensions, 
should have taken the lead in this good work. And such, 
doubtless, had been the case, had the councils of the 
wisest and best of its statesmen been accepted. 

If it be asked, Why does the Society of Friends thus 
busy itself with the affairs of others, and interfere with 
their domestic arrangements ? We would respectfully 
reply, that, in time past the members of this Society parti- 
cipated in common with others in the practice of holding 
slaves. Their fields were tilled, and their harvests were 
reaped by them. Nor were they wholly free from that exe- 
crable foreign traffic in the persons of men which is now, by 
the laws of oar country, declared to be piracy. In looking 
back upon past time, it seems wonderful to us that this 
could have been — and we regard it as a striking exempli- 
fication of the force of general custom, combined with the 
bias of education. By the faithful labors of a few pious 
and enlightened men, who were deeply impressed with the 
unrighteousness of the system, and its evil tendency, the 
society was induced to enter into a serious consideration 
of the subject, and to bring it to the test of those high 
principles of justice which are inculcated by the Gospel- 



15 

The result was, a full conviction that slavery was entirely 
incorapatiljle with the benign nature of our holy religion. 
That it was, indeed, a very flagrant violation of those in- 
alienable rights which a beneficent Creator had bestowed 
alike upon all. And so solemn did the conviction become, 
that the violation of thos€ rights could not be continued, 
without indeed incurring the wrath of the Giver, that they 
dare no longer continue in the practice. In yielding to 
this conviction, ihey were not indifferent to the sacrifice of 
property which was apparently connected \vith it. And it 
cost them many a struggle before the love of property was 
brought to yield to the conviction of duty. But it did 
yield. The work of emancipation commenced under a 
solemn feeling that it was a religious requirement, and it 
progressed until it became general. And instead of the 
pecuniary embarrassments which had been expected, it 
proved that their temporal interests were promoted. 

The Society having thus been strengthened to disengage 
itself from this system of oppression and fruitful source of 
domestic difficulty, we believe it to be our religious duty, 
as advocates in behalf of those who have long labored 
tinder a load of oppression, which if resting upon ourselves 
we should deem to be insupportable — thus to call the 
attention of the public to a serious examination of the 
merits, or rather the demerits of this oppressive system. 
We are prompted to do it, because we believe that as res- 
pected ourselves it was a system involving fearful respon- 
sibilities, and we cannot divest ourselves of this impression 
with respect to others — and because we regard it as a 
solemn truth, that the idea of retributive justice is consis- 
tent with the character of the Deity. 

We therefore affectionately invite our fellow citizens, to 
take this great subject of human suffering and human 
wrong, into their very deliberate consideration. And es- 
pecially do we entreat thase who are most deeply inter- 



16 



I 



ested in it to lay it seriously to heart. And as they prize 
the respectability of our national character abroad — as 
they value the prosperity and happiness of their own 
country — as they desire the enjoyment of uninterrupted 
peace and domestic security, and wish to transmit this 
blessed inheritance to posterity, to lose no time in devising 
such measures as may seem best adapted to the purpose 
of removing this opprobrious burden, and raising from J 

their present degraded condition, that numerous class of 
our fellow creatures whose rights have been too long neg- 
lected. That thus the sighs of the poor and the cries of 
the oppressed may no longer ascend to Heaven from our 
land. 

Signed on behalf and by direction of a meeting of the 
Representatives of the Religious Society of Friends 
of the Yearly Meeting of New York, held in that 
city, the 1st of 4th month, 1844. 

Richard Carpenter, Clerk. 




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